Author's Note: It has come to the author's attention that a piece called "You Can't Blow Up A Social Relationship" was published by "several cooperating anarchist and libertarian socialist groups in Australia" according to the introduction of a recreation of a 1989 See Sharp Press edition of the pamphlet available at the Brian McKenzie InfoShop. While the themes of the 1979 piece and the Dec. 2003 piece below share some aspects, any other similarities are coincidence.


You Cannot Bomb Social Relationships:
Nonviolence, Democracy and Equality

Simon Fitzgerald December 7th 2003

The world is again on the brink of that almost perennial war season. Besides the warfare that is the United States government is expanding on Iraq in the name of world peace, numerous other hot-spots around the world are in states of civil war or rebel insurgency. In some of these places peoples who have suffered histories of oppression rise up in arms in the name of equality. Other times the war fare is simply a battle to control resources and dominate society. In Colombia, these factors mix with international politics, the drug trade and a history of right wing genocide in Latin America to produce feudal battles over territory and decades long slaughter and destruction. In cases from the Ivory Coast, Colombia, Afghanistan, Iraq, the United States, and Israel, authoritarians justify the violent use of force as a path to peace and justice. However, peace and justice cannot be created with destruction; rather they must be nurtured in community, taught to children, prioritized as human rights and be exercised in daily interactions. The fact is you cannot bomb social relationships in a constructive manner. Mass killings and mass destruction can only be avoided by democratizing the world society and economy, and empowering individuals and groups to non-violently struggle for justice and equality.

The military buzzword of the new millennium is terrorism, often understood as random and murderous attacks on noncombatants. Just as militarism once seemed proper to confront the totalitarian evils of communism, terrorism now demands a murderous response in the name of peace. The United States recently invaded Afghanistan because Islamic fundamentalists, that American forces armed and trained to fight war against communists, had turned to aiding and abetting terrorism against the United States. Similarly, American armed forces are poised to invade Iraq because of the threat from chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, these weapons were acquired by the an Iraqi dicator Sadda Hussein who was an ally to the American government in general and Donald Rumsfeld in particular. In the case of chemical munitions, these weapons of mass distruction were used under the guidance and supervision of leaders still in power within the American government.

While militarization and war are pushed as solutions to these crises, the culture of military proliferation isthe root cause of the problem. Symbolically, Henry Kissinger the man largely responsible for the planning of the tragedy of September 11, 1973 (where a military coup headed by General Pinochet overthrew the democratically elected left-wing government and began a campaign of political genocide and torture without precedent) is now in charge of the investigation of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001*. Blinded by his own history of militarism and human rights violations, Kissinger will certainly offer nothing profound about this nation's tragedy. Similarly ten to twenty years from now, right wing Colombians may be violently expanding the drug trade while murdering and torturing its citizens because of the expansion of the civil war in Colombia by the United States. In short, just like Saddam Hussein, the anthrax spores and the Taleban, the next great threat will almost certainly be created from the frightening arsenal of US army allies and armaments.

Nonviolence and World Peace

It is obvious to most people that war is not peace nor is it a path to peace. In fact, I would argue that the opposite is true, non-violence is peace and the only way to obtain peace. However, as Ghandi would have pointed out, non-violence is not a strong enough word. It only describes what peace is not, as opposed to what it is. Peace is power. It is the presence of justice according to Martin Luther King Jr., the exercise by every individual of democratic control of their life and work.

Peace is not submission. Non-violence is a life of resistance to injustice, oppression, domination, racism, classism, sexism, hierarchy, and evil. Non-violence does not imply inaction while others suffer, but the organization of massive civil disobedience and direct action in defense of and in solidarity with the oppressed.

Bombs over Baghdad will not destroy the structures that give Saddam Hussein power over other people's lives; they will only reaffirm the Husseinian logic that the violence and murder are legitimate means of securing power. Only by empowering individuals and societies to act non-violently in defense of freedom and justice can we keep demagogues and murderers like Saddam Hussein and George Bush out of power.

This is something the United States has never honestly done in Iraq. The ideas and energy of democratic opposition in Iraq has regularly been ignored by American foreign policy makers. While many such leaders in Iraq have advocated peaceful diplomatic negotiations and leverage to democratize Iraqi society, the U.S. government has never considered a non-violent strategy to secure peace in Iraq.

Many people have said that non-violence would be nice in a perfect world but violence is the only way to deal with people like Saddam Hussein. This statement, while superficially persuasive, is not historically grounded. One recent example is in Serbia. In 1999, under American leadership, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization organized massive bombing of civilian and military targets in Serbia in retaliation for ethnic cleansing in Kosovo in the pattern of previous genocidal campaigns in Croatia and, especially, Bosnia. Immediately after the attacks repression of Kosovars by Serbian forces intensified, the Kosovor Liberation Army became more actively violent, and many civilians were dead in Serbia because of the attacks. The campaign achieved little besides the death and destruction inherent in warfare.

A year later, however, America had stopped bombing and started funding democratic student groups. One in particular, Otpor, received millions of dollars in CIA funding, organizing actions from concerts to protests, leaflet drops to mock party conventions, guerrilla theatre to graffiti. Otpor had some trouble because it was labeled a subversive CIA front group (which have a notorious history of coups, oppression, torture, rape and murder) by the government; but since the actors in the group were kids from all classes, neighborhoods and families, support for Otpor grew. Milosevic's government increased repressive tactics after a massive demonstration in support of independent media, and, in turn, strengthened sympathies for the disarmed rebels. Otpor was eventually able to unite opposition leaders into a single party and, despite traditional voter apathy, mobilize a majority against Milosevic in the presidential election.

When Milosevic declared himself the winner, Otpor had good evidence that this was a lie. They organized a massive convergence from all over Serbia upon the Parliament building. Police were instructed to stop protesters on the roads into town by any means necessary. Although the police built barricades, they would not defend them. Although they were ordered to disperse the crowd in front of Parliament, they did not fire on the protesters. Many said it was because the police feared that their children were in the crowd. By the end of the day, police were joining in the seizure of parliament and the burning of fraudulent ballots. Today, Serbia is still in a state of uncertainty. However, the genocidal tyrant Slobodon Milosevic is not in Belgrade, but being tried for war crimes in the Hague. By exercising non-violent democracy, joining together in solidarity and changing the relationship between the oppressors and the oppressed, the Serbian people liberated themselves.

While it is difficult for me to support CIA subversion of foreign politics, the empowerment of the local, anti-racist democratic movement Otpor democratized Serbian society. Bombs and troops could not achieve peace in the Balkans. A legacy of heirarchy and domination combined with the oppressive ethnic fascism in the former Yugoslavia to breed war, hatred, and unhappiness. Nonviolent disobedience and direct action saved a society from itself and created peace from violence.

Closer to Home: Nonviolence and Education

"Why are we literate but not non-violent? Because we are taught how to read."

This riddle-like exam question was produced by a student of a class on non-violence and makes a profound statement about American society. American culture is, without question, a violent gun-slinging culture. The television, movies and video games are all media of gratuitous violence and death. American streets are often more dangerous that third world countries, especially for young black men of color. School and work-place shootings are appallingly common, the United States is responsible for the production and sale of one half of the world's weapons. This nation has sent its citizens to kill in more foreign countries more than most nations put together.

However, Americans are not evil. We are lovers of democracy and human rights, but we don't know anything about either. Most Americans can tell you about the success of the war in Iraq in 1991 and the continuing military campaign in Afghanistan. Despite the dubious nature of both wars, the civilian casualties and tremendous cost to American soldiers, we are taught (through parades, propaganda, "news," and the statements of our leaders) the value of slaughter and armed combat. However, very few people know anything about the non-violent revolution mentioned above in Serbia, even in anti-war activist circles. Non-violence doesn't make the news, it doesn't sell, it doesn't make the agendas of the country's patriarchs and it is left out of history books.

While American schools are in a state of national crisis and the streets outside them are continually erupting in violence; non-violence and democracy are rarely taught in the schools. While any high-schooler can tell you who Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson, Grant, Dwight Eisenhower, Norman Schartzkopf, Otto Bismark, or Joseph Stalin were, no one can identify Jeannette Rankin, Phillip and Daniel Berrigan, Thomas Merton, Henry David Thorreau, Bob Moses, or Howard Zinn. Few can even explain the sifnificance of Mahatma Ghandi, and the life of Martin Luther King is reduced to a fairy tale before being taught. So much energy goes to teaching subjects such as math, chemistry, and biology that are rarely applied by students, while information that could save this country from a crisis of racial hatred, capitalist violence, terrorism and totalitarianisn is completely ignored.

Due to this ignorance of non-violent democratic action, many believe that an always active military, a gun-toting populace, street fights and even a standing police force are necessary parts of life. "Well," people argue, "if we don't send a strong (murderous) message to our enemies then we are not safe. If we didn't have weapons then we couldn't resist a tyrannical government. If you don't fight back you will look weak. If there was no armed police force you'd all be killing yourselves." As stated above, history does not support these claims. Non-violence effects change by seeking to make an ally out of an enemy, working in solidarity and mutual aid with others and loving every person enough to defend them against oppression.

Filmaker Michael Moore offers a glimpse into this mis-informed mentality when he interviews James Nichols, the indicted brother of convicted Oklahoma City bomber Terry Nichols. Under questioning by Moore, James defends his right to own and make weapons, claiming the right to overthrow the government if it ever threatened his freedom or stopped serving his interests. Moore asks him why he couldn't change the government non-violently, citing the experiences of Mahatma Ghandi and India. Nichols stares blank-eyed at the camera and says "I'm not familiar with that." Although Nichols can read, he was never taught about non-violence, so he acted on his indoctrination of violence and glorification of weapons. Nichols may be extreme, but American society glorifies violence, destroys its peace makers (remember COINTELPRO? wait until you see Homeland Security!), and deprives its youth of the history of nonviolent organizing and societal change.

Nonviolence and Democracy

Isn't the United States a democracy? Well, yes and no. There are democratic structures designed to give the populace a very limited function in the government of their own society. Nevertheless, the democratic nature of this country is greatly overrated. James Madison was afraid that the wealthy would lose their influence in a pure democracy, so he fought for the institutionalization of a classist power-structure, voting restrictions, and a system of checks on the will of the people (Federalist No. 10 contains a lot of these designs in its subtext). Likewise, Thomas Jefferson was a slave holding plantation owner who espoused democracy and independence for white farmers, but used his position of authority to coerce sex out of his female slaves.

Our patriarchs left a legacy of subjugation, oppression and hierarchy enforced by guns and threats of violence. Women, blacks and property-less people were literally disenfranchised for over a hundred years after the founding of this country. While these groups are now allowed to vote, systematic disenfranchisement continues through district manipulation, felony disenfranchisement, and inadequate reporting of election issues. The present government of this country was decided in a tight presidential election in Florida which was decided by hundreds of votes. In that election, the ACLU and the NAACP have declared that blacks were illegally and systematically disenfranchised through fraudulent and dishonest use of felony disenfranchisement.

In this way the elections themselves, the symbol of American democracy, are not democratic. However, the society as a whole is much less democratic than the one day a year when %30-40 of the registered voters make their voices heard. Human rights such as healthcare, education, housing, and food are held for ransom by private corporations. Workers have little control over their work spaces, their hours of work, or even what they do. Wages are kept low as profits rise to enforce undemocratic distribution of wealth. American society is tragically and thoroughly segregated, separating the races and undermining solidarity and community. Schools are hierarchical and standardized so that the students and teachers often have very little input on the content of education. The United States has the highest rate of incarceration in the world, and black males are incarcerated more than they ever were in apartheid South Africa. Homes and businesses are regularly destroyed for government projects that are not decided democratically, such as the construction of stadiums, freeways, and government buildings. This is neither freedom or democracy.

For a real democracy, resources have to be exploited democratically, with all those affected by the exploitation allowed input in decision making. Neither violence, intimidation, or threats of violence can be used to legitimately coerce people in a real democracy. Workplace decisions would be shared by all those who are affected. Everyone would be allowed ample leisure time to pursue personal growth, education and family development. Bread, housing, and healthcare would be available to all.

This democracy will not be granted by those who are in power. Power must broken down, along with the relationships that make power and violence appear legitimate. Every individual has to stand up for his neighbors rights and build community behind the barricades to defend these rights. No individual or group can be attacked as an enemy, rather its power must be undermined by a reorganization of society that makes the individual or group irrelevant. Large arms stocks make this difficult, as the terrorism in Chile, Argentina, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Brazil and Colombia has demonstrated. Violence reinforces injustice; torture destroys individuals, communities and humanity; weapons always threaten to destroy the bonds that make a peaceful society possible.

For real democracy, all parts of society must be demilitarized. All people must come together in community. Social relationships that allow oppression or violence must be subverted, and, since this type of change can only come from below, we must rise up and take our liberation.


Last edited on June 29, 2005 1:39 pm.